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This piece is a part of the collection “All About China”—a journey into the historical past and numerous tradition of China via quick articles that make clear the lasting imprint of China’s previous encounters with the Islamic world in addition to an exploration of the more and more vibrant and complicated dynamics of up to date Sino-Center Japanese relations. Learn extra …
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are the dominant financial gamers within the Center East and North Africa (MENA), accounting for greater than half the area’s imports and exports. Over the previous decade, with the standard energy facilities of Egypt, Iraq, and Syria weakened, these similar two nations have turn into extra assertive and influential actors in regional and world affairs. Importantly, in addition they have loved a interval of unprecedented shut cooperation.
Within the wake of the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi solid a strategic alliance,[1] rooted in a shared curiosity in guaranteeing home stability and regime survival, blunting Iranian expansionism, and offsetting the perceived US retreat from its conventional function as safety guarantor. In 2016, they established the Saudi-Emirati Coordination Council, which paved the way in which for the crafting of the “Al Azam Technique,” a joint imaginative and prescient for intensifying financial and navy cooperation.[2]
However a number of coverage disagreements between Saudi Arabia and the UAE not too long ago burst into public view, elevating questions concerning the future form and course of the connection. The joint assertion issued on the conclusion of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s go to to Abu Dhabi final December affirmed the 2 nations’ intensive and enduring friendship.[3] But, the invocation of shared visions[4] masks a posh and more and more aggressive relationship as Saudi Arabia and the UAE push to diversify their economies and place themselves to revenue from China’s rising capabilities and intensive involvement within the Gulf, wider Center East, and East Africa.
Submit-Arab Spring Shut Cooperation
The realignment in Gulf politics that occurred after 2011 round a Riyadh-Abu Dhabi axis targeted on minimizing the affect of the Arab Spring protests on the Gulf States and their allies within the area (e.g., in Egypt, Jordan and Morocco) in addition to on thwarting Iran’s efforts to use the unrest in its bid for regional hegemony. Saudi Arabia and the UAE thus emerged on the forefront of makes an attempt to “management and form the course of the modifications coursing via the Arab world.”[5] The regional insurance policies they adopted to take action have been marked by proactive interventionism and energy projection.[6]
Buoyed by a detailed private relationship between de facto rulers Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ),[7] Saudi Arabia and the UAE coordinated their use of economic and navy energy within the Gulf, the broader MENA area, and the Horn of Africa. They sought to bolster fellow monarchies in Jordan and Bahrain with financial help and, within the latter case, troops. The quite a few different initiatives they took in tandem included offering assist for the coup d’état in Egypt led by Normal Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi, imposing an embargo towards Qatar in 2017, lobbying towards the Iran nuclear deal and in favor of the Trump administration’s “most stress” marketing campaign, launching a navy intervention in Yemen, adopting an adversarial posture towards Turkey, collaborating to dealer a peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and furnishing Sudan with help and funding.[8]
In the direction of a “New Regular”
But, through the previous two years, cracks within the Riyadh-Abu Dhabi axis have appeared. This isn’t shocking. In spite of everything, it’s pure for even the closest allies’ priorities and approaches to vary. That mentioned, you will need to emphasize that the latest interval of “lockstep friendship” between Saudi Arabia and the UAE is an anomaly.[9] The UAE had lengthy seen Saudi Arabia as being amongst its biggest safety threats.[10] Relations between the 2 nations, although outwardly cordial, had been flavored with latent pressure.[11] The Treaty of Jeddah, which was to have resolved the Saudi-Emirati border dispute, stays contentious.[12] Within the mid-2000s, Saudi Arabia intervened to thwart the UAE-Qatar maritime causeway and pipeline initiatives.[13] Lower than a month after the GCC had permitted plans in 2009 to create a financial union with a standard central financial institution situated in Riyadh (not Dubai), the UAE abruptly introduced its withdrawal; and the Saudis responded by quickly closing the border.[14]
Thereafter, at the same time as they adopted broadly suitable regional insurance policies, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi’s menace perceptions and understandings of regional conflicts differed. The previous’s staunchly pro-Sunni sectarian, versus the latter’s stridently “pro-secularist” orientations translated into divergent approaches to the dealing with of the post-2011 Arab Spring regional crises.[15] All alongside, Emirati leaders, in contrast to their Saudi counterparts, have seen the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and MB-inspired organizations that undertake political Islam as essentially the most critical menace to the survival of the Gulf monarchies.[16] The management in Riyadh, although, has regarded Iran because the paramount menace.[17] Because of this, Abu Dhabi has been extra aggressive than Riyadh in its efforts to crush the Brotherhood however extra cautious in makes an attempt to counter Iranian affect and expansionism. In Libya, concern concerning the rise of political Islam led Abu Dhabi to play a extra energetic operational function than Riyadh, in assist of Khalifa Haftar, the commander of the Libya Nationwide Military (LNA).
Coverage divergences have been observable in different instances as properly. With respect to Yemen, for instance, though Saudi Arabia and the UAE entered the battle in full settlement, variations quickly started to emerge over the conduct of the battle, throughout which the 2 allies supported distinct native forces.[18] In July 2019, the UAE downsized its forces in Yemen — an motion to which King Salman of Saudi Arabia reportedly reacted with “excessive irritation.”[19] Since then, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have targeted on consolidating their respective positions in strategic areas of the nation.
Over the previous two years, the ‘new period of decisive joint motion’ between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi has waned. Abu Dhabi and Riyadh alike have modified course, as their assertive interventionist insurance policies collided with the exhausting realities of a pricey stalemate in Yemen, Moscow’s success in sustaining the Assad regime in energy, and the rising danger of a navy confrontation with Iran. A brand new sample of conduct has developed — one geared toward regional de-escalation and dialogue. Correspondingly, Saudi-Emirati relations have entered a brand new part.
In recalibrating their regional relationships, Abu Dhabi and Riyadh have displayed related pragmatism. Nonetheless, their latest strikes don’t seem to have been carefully coordinated and in some situations have been out of sync. In September 2020, with the signing of the Abraham Accords, the UAE was out forward of Saudi Arabia in normalizing relations with Israel. Riyadh has but to comply with go well with. This sample was reversed final January, when Saudi Arabia acted first to open its airspace, land, and sea borders with Qatar. Though the UAE signed the Al-Ula Assertion, which introduced the intra-GCC rift formally to an finish, this was a ‘reluctant reconciliation,’ because the Emirates and Qatar stay sharply at odds ideologically. Saudi Arabia launched a dialogue with Iran in Baghdad final April; since then, a number of rounds of bilateral discussions have taken place.[20] In the meantime, Abu Dhabi has taken its personal steps to de-escalate pressure with Iran.[21] Equally, it has made its personal diplomatic overtures to Turkey and Syria.[22]
Thus, Saudi and Emirati regional diplomacy, whereas headed in the identical common course nonetheless reveals a sure loosening of the tight coverage coordination of just some years in the past. It additionally suggests a need on the a part of Abu Dhabi to take care of a level of independence from Riyadh in managing advanced regional relationships. This isn’t shocking, because the UAE has by no means been a mere appendage of Saudi Arabia.[23] Nor, because the UAE has turn into a extra succesful, energetic, and impressive actor, has it warmed to the thought of serving as its bigger neighbor’s junior accomplice. Thus, whereas the UAE’s navy adventurism has been scaled again and diplomacy prioritized, the assertive and self-reliant options of its international coverage stay intact. Because of this, a “new regular” within the Saudi-Emirati relationship has taken form, one the place their geopolitical variations and aspirations for regional management and affect have come to the fore[24] and the place the UAE seems decided to construct its personal model.
Heightened Saudi-Emirati Financial Competitors
The present sample of Saudi-Emirati relations — marked by separate although not essentially conflicting diplomacy-first approaches to regional relations — additionally consists of heightened financial competitors. The Covid-19 pandemic, mixed with lowered world oil costs, highlighted the perils of over-reliance on oil for progress and intensified stress on Gulf governments to speed up financial diversification. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and the opposite Gulf states are scrambling to put the muse for a post-hydrocarbon future.
Stiffening financial competitors between Saudi Arabia and the UAE displays the mounting stress they’re going through and the overlapping methods they’re following to diversify away from oil. The standoff between Saudi Arabia and the UAE over how rapidly to extend oil manufacturing ranges amid the worldwide pandemic restoration[25] — uncommon in that their spat burst into public view — uncovered a rising financial rivalry.
In making ready for a post-hydrocarbon future, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are concurrently looking for to develop among the similar sectors, notably tourism, monetary companies, petrochemicals, and know-how.[26] Of the 2 nations, the UAE made the sooner begin and enjoys first-mover benefit in remodeling itself right into a enterprise, commerce, and tourism hub. Of late, nonetheless, Saudi Arabia has mounted a problem, transferring to broaden its tourism sector[27] and providing a bigger market and loosening life-style restrictions to draw buyers, worldwide firms, and international expertise.[28] The Emirates have carried out counter-measures, akin to issuing new visa guidelines and switching to a Monday-Friday work week.[29] However the competitors has not stopped there. Riyadh’s efforts to make the dominion the Arabian Peninsula’s main vacation spot for enterprise and funding have included the announcement final February that firms would danger shedding profitable authorities contracts if they didn’t relocate their regional headquarters to Saudi Arabia by 2024 — a transfer broadly interpreted as concentrating on Dubai.[30]
Tying China In
Provided that Saudi and Emirati officers alike regard logistics hubs as drivers of diversification,[31] it’s not shocking that competitors between them within the maritime transport and logistics sector has been heating up. Dubai is among the many world’s high 5 world hubs for maritime delivery and logistics.[32] The Jebel Ali Port and Free Zone (JAFZA) accounts for one-third of the emirate’s GDP.[33] Certainly, Jebel Ali is the linchpin of the UAE’s technique to place itself as a “nexus state.”[34]
However Saudi Arabia, in keeping with “Imaginative and prescient 2030,” can be making a bid to turn into a number one regional and world logistics hub. Riyadh has launched an bold Nationwide Logistics and Transport Technique.[35] Plans are underway to show King Abdulaziz Port Dammam (KAPD) right into a mega-container hub.[36] Maersk not too long ago reached an settlement with Saudi Arabia Port Authority (Mawani) to ascertain a brand new, built-in logistics port in Jeddah Islamic Port.[37] And just like the UAE, Saudi Arabia has launched into efforts to develop new retailers on the Crimson Sea to manage commerce flows and strengthen its place in world provide chains.[38]
Intensifying Saudi-Emirati competitors within the maritime transport and logistics sector is a part of the bigger intra-Gulf jockeying for place to seize the rising interregional cargo commerce volumes flowing westward from Asia. Importantly, the push by the UAE and Saudi Arabia to broaden their delivery and logistics capability is happening towards the backdrop of the rising Chinese language financial presence within the Gulf and Crimson Sea/Horn of Africa and Beijing’s efforts to create a manufacturing and commerce community alongside the Maritime Silk Highway (MSR). Saudi Arabia and the UAE have sought to leverage China’s deepening financial engagement within the Gulf and Crimson Sea arenas for the aim of advancing their very own financial diversification and geopolitical goals.
The UAE is China’s major financial accomplice within the Gulf.[39] Dubai Port and Khalifa Port in Abu Dhabi have step by step turn into regional hub ports for China’s international commerce and port and delivery enterprises. Practically two-thirds of Chinese language exports to Europe, the Center East and Africa cross via Emirati ports.[40] In recent times, Chinese language state-owned firms have performed a major function as builders, homeowners, and operators of terminals and different port infrastructure within the Gulf.[41] Within the case of the Emirates, Chinese language funding has focused infrastructure with a concentrate on ports and related industrial zones, bolstering the UAE’s function as a key node within the MSR.[42] In December 2018, Abu Dhabi Ports (ADP) entered right into a 35-year concession settlement with China Ocean Transport Firm (COSCO), which enabled the latter to function and develop a container terminal at Khalifa Port in Abu Dhabi to assist commerce generated by the Belt and Highway Initiative.[43] Dubai’s Silk Highway Technique (DSR), introduced in March 2019, is a plan to enhance Dubai’s function as a strategic world commerce hyperlink that, as its identify signifies, expressly goals to enhance China’s Maritime Silk Highway initiatives.[44] Yiwu Market UAE, an abroad warehouse commerce metropolis undertaking within the coronary heart of Jebel Ali Free Zone (JAFZA) collectively constructed by Zhejiang China Commodity Metropolis Group (CCC) and DP World and situated reverse the Dubai Expo 2020 web site, launched a yr in the past.[45]
The UAE is concentrated on securing its first-mover benefit as a part of the MSR. However Riyadh is set to capitalize on the dominion being the one nation with coastal entry to each the Persian Gulf and the Crimson Sea. Though power continues to be the core of Sino-Saudi cooperation, efforts to harmonize “Imaginative and prescient 2030” and the MSR and thus enhance the dominion’s prospects for changing into a world logistics hub are making headway.[46] In March 2017, Saudi Aramco awarded China Harbour Engineering Firm (CHEC), which has carried out over two dozen initiatives within the kingdom, a contract for the development of a business port at Jazan Financial Metropolis.[47] Final January, COSCO Transport Ports (CSPL) acquired a 20% stake within the Crimson Sea Gateway Terminal (RSGT) on the Jeddah Islamic Port.[48] The subsequent month, Hutchison Ports signed an settlement to put money into and function Saudi Arabia’s multipurpose Jazan Metropolis for Major and Downstream Industries (JCPDI) port and industrial park on the Crimson Sea.[49] Saudi Ports Authority (MAWANI) not too long ago inaugurated the Gulf China Service (GCS), a weekly direct service between King Abdulaziz Port in Dammam and Ningbo, China.[50]
Conclusion
Saudi-UAE relations are settling right into a “new regular” marked by the loosening of regional coverage coordination and rising financial competitors, as each nations vie for affect, pursue their diversification methods, and place themselves to learn from China’s emergence as a world energy.
In charting their paths for the longer term, Saudi Arabia and the UAE alike have come to treat the maritime sector as a key contributor to the financial diversification course of. Located on the nexus of the East and West, each are aiming to turn into thriving world commerce hubs — targets that mesh comfortably with China’s ambition to create a twenty first Century Maritime Silk Highway. This alignment of pursuits between China and its two Gulf Arab companions has already produced synergies within the delivery and logistics area.
At present, the amount of container visitors within the area dealt with by ports within the UAE is sort of twice that of Saudi Arabia[51] — a dominance the Emirates is unlikely to relinquish any time quickly. However, as Saudi Arabia presses ahead with its maritime agenda the UAE’s benefit by way of capacities, market shares, worldwide investments, and commerce connections will be anticipated to slim. And Chinese language business engagement is prone to play a key function in how this race unfolds.
Saudi Arabia and the Emirates are each striving to scale back operational prices and facilitate quicker deliveries, which can inexorably cause them to undertake good port applied sciences and combine the port worth chain via digital platforms, creating extra alternatives for cooperation with China. In pursuing such cooperation, Saudi Arabia and the UAE will, most likely, discover themselves competing to realize China’s favor.
The temptation for Beijing to use this rivalry is likely to be tempered by the will to keep away from changing into caught in a zero-sum dynamic. However it can take greater than deft administration of Saudi-UAE competitors by all three events to ship on the promise of win-win outcomes. The latest spate of assaults unleashed by the Houthis on Abu Dhabi and ISIS fighters in Syria and Iraq in addition to the deadlock in negotiations to revive the JCPOA stand as a stark warning: the diplomacy-first approaches to regional relations pursued individually by Riyadh and Abu Dhabi could not show any extra profitable in fostering the soundness required to put the muse for shared prosperity within the post-oil period than did the interventionism they not too long ago pursued in tandem.
[6] Eman Ragab, “Past Cash and Diplomacy: Regional Insurance policies of Saudi Arabia and UAE after the Arab Spring,” The Worldwide Spectator 52, 2 (2017): 37-53. DOI: 10.1080/03932729.2017.1309101.
[8] Rafeef Ziadah, “The significance of the Saudi-UAE alliance: notes on navy intervention, help and funding,” Battle, Safety & Growth 19, 3 (2019): 295-300. DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2019.1608026; Shady Ahmed Mansour and Yara Yahia Ahmed, “Saudi Arabia and UAE within the Horn of Africa: Containing Safety Threats from Regional Rivals,” Up to date Arab Affairs 12, 3 (2019): 99-118. DOI: org.proxyau.wrlc.org/10.1525/caa.2019.123006; Martna Stevis-Gridneff, “Center East Energy Wrestle Performs Out on New Stage,” Wall Avenue Journal, June 1, 2018; Hussein Ibish, “The UAE and Saudi Arabia: The Partnership Endures Regardless of Oil Dispute,” AGSIW, July 8, 2021, https://agsiw.org/the-uae-and-saudi-arabia-the-partnership-endures-despite-oil-dispute/.
[11] Sean Foley. ‘‘The UAE: Political Points and Safety Dilemmas,’’ Center East Evaluate of Worldwide Affairs (March 1999): 32.
[12] Simon Henderson, “The UAE Reclaims Misplaced Territory from Saudi Arabia,” WINEP, January 19, 2016, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/map-wars-uae-reclaims-lost-territory-saudi-arabia; Noura S. Al-Mazrouei, The UAE and Saudi Arabia: Border Disputes and Worldwide Relations within the Gulf (London: I.B. Tauris, 2016); and Noura S. Al Mazrouei, “The Revival of the UAE–Saudi Arabia Border Dispute within the twenty first Century,” Journal of Borderlands Research 32, 2 (2017): 157-172. DOI: 10.1080/08865655.2015.1124242.
[17] “A Time for Talks: Towards Dialogue between the Gulf Arab States and Iran,” Worldwide Disaster Group (ICG), Report No. 226 / Center East and North Africa, August 24, 2021, https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/gulf-and-arabian-peninsula/226-time-talks-toward-dialogue-between-gulf-arab-states-and-iran.
[18] Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, “Who’re south Yemen’s separatists?” Aljazeera, September 20, 2019, https://www.aljazeera.com/information/2019/9/20/who-are-south-yemens-separatists.
[19] A remark attributed to King Salman in “UAE loosens Saudi alliance to push peacemaker picture,” Reuters, August 28, 2019.
[21] Zainab Fattah and Arsalan Shahla, “UAE Royal Makes Uncommon Go to to Iran Amid Efforts to Ease Tensions,” Bloomberg Information, December 6, 2021.
[23] Thomas O Falk, “Saudi-UAE: Regardless of turmoil geopolitical targets stay steadfast,” Aljazeera, July 16, 2021, https://www.aljazeera.com/information/2021/7/16/saudi-uae-despite-turmoil-geopolitical-goals-remain-steadfast; Hussein Ibish, “The UAE and Saudi Arabia: The Partnership Endures Regardless of Oil Dispute,” AGSIW, July 8, 2021, https://agsiw.org/the-uae-and-saudi-arabia-the-partnership-endures-despite-oil-dispute/; and Guido Steinberg, “Regional Energy: United Arab Emirates,” SWP Analysis Paper 10 (July 2020), https://www.swp-berlin.org/publications/merchandise/research_papers/2020RP10_UAE_RegionalPower.pdf.
[27] These steps have included funding in large tourism initiatives; privatization of some tourism companies; preservation of vital cultural and historic websites; and easing of vacationer visa restrictions. Sacha Poncet, “May Saudi Arabia Turn into the Subsequent Tourism Chief within the Center East? EHL Insights, https://hospitalityinsights.ehl.edu/saudi-arabia-tourism.
[28] “Saudi, UAE leaders maintain name amid rising regional rivalry,” Reuters, September 7, 2021, https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/saudi-uae-leaders-hold-call-amid-rising-regional-rivalry-2021-09-07/; [28] “UAE to supply citizenship to ‘proficient’ foreigners,” BBC Information, January 30, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/information/world-middle-east-55869674; Vivian Nereim and Dana Khraiche, “Saudi Arabia to Create Particular Financial Zones To Elevate Funding,” Bloomberg, October 11, 2021; Vivian Nereim and Matthew Martin, “Saudi Arabia Eyes 7,000 World Corporations as Dubai Rivalry Heats Up,” Bloomberg, October 26, 2021; Sabena Siddiqui, “Hello-tech rivalry between Abu Dhabi and Riyadh heats up,” Al Monitor, January 25, 2021, https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2021/01/uae-saudi-arabia-tech-rivalry-neom-line-dubai-foreign-expats.html.
[29] Bobby Ghosh, “The Monday Blues Come to the UAE. Will the Saudis Comply with?” Bloomberg, December 7, 2021.
[30] Natasha Turak, “‘Dramatic and dangerous’ — and a shot at Dubai? Saudi Arabia points daring enterprise ultimatum to tug regional HQ workplaces into the dominion,” CNBC, February 16, 2021, https://www.cnbc.com/2021/02/16/targeting-dubai-saudi-arabias-ultimatum-to-pull-hq-offices-to-kingdom.html.
[31] Kwon Hyung Lee et al., “Logistics Hub Technique of the GCC Nations and Coverage Implications: with a Concentrate on Saudi Arabia and the UAE,” World Economic system Replace, June 6, 2016, https://think-asia.org/bitstream/deal with/11540/9175/WEU16-16.pdf?sequence=1.
[34] Christian Henderson, “The UAE as a Nexus State,” Journal of Arabian Research 7, 1 (2017): 83-93. DOI: 10.1080/21534764.2017.1310534.
[35] “Saudi Arabia launches Nationwide Transport and Logistics Technique,” Arab Information, July 1, 2021, https://www.arabnews.com/node/1885636/saudi-arabia; Alexander Cornwell and Marwa Rashad, “Saudi Arabia to speculate over $133 bln in transport sector, minister says,” Reuters, July 5, 2021; and “Saudi Arabia: Crown prince broadcasts launch of second nationwide airline,” Center East Eye, June 30, 2021, https://www.middleeasteye.web/information/saudi-arabia-second-national-airline-launch-diversify-economy.
[37] Jens Thomsen, “Maersk and port authority to ascertain new logistics hub in Saudi Arabia,” Transport Watch, January 11, 2021, https://shippingwatch.com/Ports/article13421428.ece.
[38] Ministry of Transport and Logistic Service – Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. “KSA Logistic Hub,” 2020, https://mot.gov.sa/en/AboutUs/Pages/Logisticsplatform.aspx; Katie McQue and Daniel Lalor, “Saudi crude retains flowing to Crimson Sea as East-West Pipeline repairs proceed,” S&P World, December 22, 2020, https://www.spglobal.com/platts/en/market-insights/latest-news/delivery/122220-feature-saudi-crude-keeps-flowing-to-red-sea-as-east-west-pipeline-repairs-continue; Tsvetana Paraskova, “Saudis To Enhance Oil Pipeline Capability to Bypass Strait of Hormuz,” Oil Value, July 25, 2019; Nidhi Verma and Sudarshan Varadhan, “Saudi Arabia goals to broaden pipeline to scale back oil exports by way of Gulf,” Reuters, July 25, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-saudi-oil-india-idUSKCN1UK19T; Aziz El Yaakoubi and Mohamed Ghobari, “Saudi Arabia strikes to safe Yemen Crimson Sea ports after UAE drawdown,” Reuters, July 11, 2019, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-security/saudi-arabia-moves-to-secure-yemen-red-sea-ports-after-uae-drawdown-idUSKCN1U61YJ; and Jos Meester and Guido Lanfranchi, “The UAE and China within the Horn of Africa,” Clingendael Coverage Transient, June 2021, https://www.clingendael.org/websites/default/recordsdata/2021-06/Policy_brief_China_and_UAE_Horn_of_Africa_implications_EU_June_2021.pdf.
[39] Robert Mogielnicki, “Diversified Funding within the UAE Shaping China’s Financial Function within the Gulf,” AGSIW, July 29, 2019, https://agsiw.org/diversified-investment-in-uae-shaping-chinas-economic-role-in-the-gulf/; UAE Ministry of Overseas Affairs, “UAE, China set to step up commerce, people-to-people synergies in transition to digital economic system,” July 19, 2020, https://www.mofaic.gov.ae/en/mediahub/information/2020/7/19/19-07-2020-uae-economy; Shady Elborno, “UAE-China: a world commerce axis,” Emirates NBD, October 17, 2021, http://www.emiratesnbdresearch.com/plugins/Analysis/recordsdata/China_UAE_Trade_Report.pdf.
[41] Zhiqiang Zou, “China’s Participation in Port Building within the Western Indian Ocean Area: Dynamics and Challenges,” Asian Journal of Center Japanese and Islamic Research, December 2021. DOI: 10.1080/25765949.2021.2018862
[44] “Sheikh Hamdan approves Dubai Silk Highway technique,” The Nationwide, March 2, 2019, https://www.thenationalnews.com/uae/sheikh-hamdan-approves-dubai-silk-road-strategy-1.832234; and Abdulla Al Saleh, Undersecretary for Overseas Commerce, UAE Ministry of Economic system, “The Dubai Silk Highway might be constructed on sturdy foundations,” Asia Home, April 3, 2019, https://asiahouse.org/news-and-views/the-dubai-silk-road-will-be-built-on-strong-foundations/.
[46] Dongmei Chen and Han Wenke, “Deepening Cooperation Between Saudi Arabia and China,” KAPSARC, March 27, 2019. DOI: https://doi.org/10.30573/KS–2019-DP53; Juan Chen, Shu Meng, and Wen Shaobiao, “Aligning China’s Belt and Highway Initiative with Saudi Arabia’s 2030 Imaginative and prescient Alternatives and Challenges,” China Quarterly of Worldwide Strategic Research 4, 3 (2018): 363-379. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1142/S2377740018500203; and Jonathan Fulton, “Situating Saudi Arabia in China’s Belt and Highway Initiative,” Asian Politics & Coverage 12, 3 (2020): 362-383. DOI: https://doi-org.proxyau.wrlc.org/10.1111/aspp.12549.
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